Articles

The presented research based on a comparison of the content of video games and school history textbooks is devoted to the study of the semantic content of images of the Early Cold War in the current policy of memory in the United States. The empirical basis of the study is the Call of Duty game series and US history textbooks from three American publishers leading in the educational literature segment. These textbooks were used in high and middle grades in American schools throughout the 2000s–20s. The keys methods are discourse analysis and case studies. As the result of the research, the US memory policy allows for the existence within the memorial narrative of school textbooks of three variants of the early Cold War, created within the framework of the traditionalist, revisionist and post-revisionist approaches. Most often, these are presented simultaneously in textbooks. But traditionalist and post-revisionist approaches prevail in the narrative due to their complementarity for the US and relevance to the task of forming memorial conformity in order to ensure the sustainability of national-state identity and legitimize existing models of socio-economic and political structure. Within the Call of Duty game series, developers used almost exclusively traditionalist approach. Among a formal variety of positioning models the revisionist concept is largely marginalized, as well as the post-revisionist concept (that also assumes the moral superiority of the US in the confrontation with the USSR), that probably contributes to choose the traditionalist approach. Also, the choice of the traditionalist approach involves forming memorial conformism on a complementary basis.

The work is devoted to understanding the ecological and climatic component of modern Ukrainian politics. The analysis focuses on the national model of the country’s climate management. The main task is to understand the nature of its connection with the new international environmental and climate policies of Europe and the world. The focus of the work is on considering the case of Ukraine’s adaptation to the new international climate regime of the EU. Structural-functional, ecological-political, globalist, and other methodological approaches have been applied. Ukraine is considered as a post-socialist transition country going through climate transit. What are the reasons for the failure of Ukraine’s transition to a sustainable development model, and how does this affect the prospects for its energy transit? How do the country’s climate ambitions correlate with the carbon intensity of its development, with the desire to achieve sovereignty in the energy sector? How is Ukraine going to ensure the conditions for joining the EU, with its environmental situation and ecological and climatic situation?
We will answer these and other questions in our work, touching, along the way, on the well-known case of the development of shale gas deposits in the country. In connection with the understanding of the problems of eco- and climate policy, the issue of the state of Ukrainian statehood will also be touched upon. At the end of the work, a forecast is given for the further implementation of the policy of the Ukrainian authorities in the area of interest to us. In summing up, we will find out what lessons should be learned from the Ukrainian situation in order to achieve progress in climate policy, as well as optimize the strategy of environmentally safe, sustainable development of Russia.

The article is devoted to the process of transformation of energy markets that took place in the period from 2022 to 2023. The author analyzes the relationship between the sanctions imposed against Russia at that time and the direction of changes in energy markets. The article examines the result of US and European Union sanctions against the Russian oil and gas sector for both the domestic economy and the Western countries themselves. The author concludes that in the oil sector, Russia has adapted to the restrictions by changing sales markets and providing itself with a fleet of tankers. In the gas sector, it was not possible to make a full-fledged reorientation due to technological limitations.

The possibility of a new global socio-cultural integration in a situation of dominance of deglobalization processes is substantiated. Deglobalization is considered as a natural consequence of Western globalism based on the technogenic-consumer civilizational model of development. The features of deglobalization in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres are fixed. The idea of the need to search for new forms of uniting the world community on other ideological grounds and principles is defended. Such foundations and principles are found in the basic categories of Russian culture: peace, sobornost, brotherhood, non-possessiveness. Using the example of Siberia, the historical practice of cooperation between peoples is analyzed, where the indicated principles have already been partially implemented. The authors summarize the experience of regional cross–border cooperation within the framework of the activities of the International Coordinating Council “Our Common Home - Altai”, which unites state and public structures of the border regions of Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan and China. This experience is considered as a possible guideline for the future of a new unification of mankind.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the latest trends in the indirect political influence of external actors — China, Turkey, UK, the USA and the European Union — in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) member-states through humanitarian and economic projects. The special features of the approaches of the leading actors are brought to light, including emphasis on military-ideological expansion (Western countries), trade and economic advancement (China) and cultural-ideological penetration (Turkey). It is concluded that there was no fundamental revision of indirect influence strategies after the start of Russia’s Special Military Operation, but significant adjustments in methods took place. Non-Western countries are still trying to work in the region mainly in the framework of globalization, i.e. multivector relatively peaceful coexistence and competition.

The article attempts to improve the theoretical basis of the concept of the ‘Greater Eurasian Partnership’ (GEP) — a flagship continental-scale integration initiative. An analysis of the GEP through the lens of current theories of international political and economic relations shows, among other things, that this project is a key element in the process of forming a balanced and more just (for non-Western states) multi-polar globalization, limiting the dominance of any civilization, group of countries, or political culture. To describe modern integration processes in Greaterer Eurasia, the concept of ‘new transregionalism’ is proposed. It can be seen as a phenomenon driven by the rapid geopolitical and economic restructuring of the world, and simultaneously as a theoretical concept optimal for building and successfully developing the GEP. Such an approach reveals both traditional and completely new aspects of the interdependence of segments of the modern world in the face of unprecedented transformation of the world order. Concrete cooperation projects in specific areas (NTI, climate, eco-economics) are briefly considered, the algorithm and integration matrix of which can be scaled to other promising areas of cooperation. At the same time, the chances of effective integration of Greater Eurasia can be increased by implementing a convergent socio-economic model, which implies an optimal combination of market and state-regulated elements. The work contributes to the process of more in-depth elaboration of geopolitical and project scenarios of integration, including the construction of a unique transregional regime for the GEP.

In the article, the authors analyze the dynamics of the formation of the image of a political leader in media publications in Russian language for 2013–2024. The key approaches to the study of the image of a leader were considered, and possible forms of representation of a leader in the media were described. The analysis of the use of the concepts of ‘statehood’, ‘globalism’, ‘charisma’, ‘morality’, ‘authoritarianism’ in the media in forming the image of a leader allows us to develop a psychosemantic typology of political leader images based on positive or negative connotations in the description of these characteristics. To form the image of the leader, the media most often used the concept of ‘statehood’, then the concept of ‘authoritarianism’, followed by the first with a significant lag. Other characteristics are much less common. The peak use of most of these characteristics in forming the image of the leader occurs in 2017–2019, an increase in the frequency of using the word ‘statehood’ has been recorded since 2015. An increase in interest in charisma and globalism is also
observed in 2020–2021. The listed characteristics are often instrumentalized by the media, as a result of which morality turns into an image resource for the leader, and charisma turns into a tool that gives advantages to a populist political leader in the competitive struggle.

This article examines the problems of the formation of the information field of Russian elites. For the media, the topic of elites is not a key one, which is actively raised in the press, but interest in it has been growing modestly over the past 20 years. The author not only analyzed the dynamics of the growth of publications in the media, but also conducted a content analysis of publications, comparing publications in the press with scientific articles of this period. In this case, a comparison was made of the meanings reflected in mass media publications and the meanings that are considered in scientific papers, mainly dissertations for the same period. A comparative analysis revealed that the attitude towards the term ‘elite’ among the general public does not arouse sympathy, they are not proud of the successes of the elites, since there is an opinion that the elites work only for themselves and their inner circle. But the situation is changing due to the advance of Russian troops and the change in the vector to the fact that the circle of elites has now expanded.

The subject of the article is the migration policy of the Russian Federation and the reasons for its ineffectiveness, which give rise to existential threats to the state and society in the context of Western sanctions and a Special Military Operation. The purpose of the study is to construct a current model of the migration policy in the Russian Federation, that can become an effective tool for implementing national development goals, ensuring state and public security, achieving sustainable economic and social development of Russia based on traditional Russian spiritual and moral values and principles of patriotism, the priority of man, social justice and equality of opportunity.
The ineffectiveness of the migration policy is manifested in various forms of destructive behavior of migrants, the growth of ethnic crime, which form an attitude among native residents towards a negative perception of migrants, giving rise to manifestations of mutual hostility. In the context of the growing confrontation with the West, the Russian Federation should implement a nationally-oriented migration policy aimed, on the one hand, at strengthening Russian identity, ensuring the sovereignty and security of the state, society and the individual, and on the other hand, at achieving national goals of economic and social development of Russia through the legal and targeted attraction of skilled labor migrants. The article formulates proposals for the transformation of the migration policy of the Russian Federation.

The formation of a global world order in the short and medium term proceeds in several ways: through the creation of systemic alliances organized on a multilateral contractual basis (for example, the European Union, NATO), membership in which may imply the cession of a share of state sovereignty, and through the creation of informal "spontaneous" (situational) alliances. Current trends in international relations show that the systemic path is less effective. In unions of this kind, contradictions between individual members make it difficult for the entire structure to function, making it impossible for it to carry out coordinated joint activities. Spontaneous unions are more stable in times of crisis, as the dynamics of individual members' relationships do not immobilize the entire union. In this regard, informal cooperation between the United States and India, on the one hand, and Russia, China, and Iran, on the other, looks like the foundation of the future. The role of global supranational regulators, including the UN, tends to weaken.
Until any of the global players have military technologies at their disposal that qualitatively surpass the current level of weapons development, i.e., reducing the advantages of nuclear weapons to zero, the importance of logistical factors will be decisive for shaping the contours of a new world order. Depending on which of the competing models will be able to make the most of the geo-economic advantages of West Africa, the contours of the global world order will take one shape or another.